Brazilian sector

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Brazilian sector
BrazilianSectorFlag-redesigned.png
General information
LocatedBrazil
Total population of sector945[a]
Sector founded12 March 2020
(previously an integrated part of the Lusophone sector founded in 1996)
Membership
Nations in area38 micronations
Organisations in area
Notable people in areaOscar von Goëtzën
Thomas de Sena
Arthur van der Bruyn
Lucas d'Woenstein
Maria Ottokar-Flaviano
Leonardo Grindi

The Brazilian sector (Portuguese: Setor brasileiro) is a popular term to designate secessionist (Portuguese: derivatista) micronations that are mostly located or captained from within the Brazilian macronational territory. The term was coined in 2020 through the Treaty of Persenburg which aimed to establish a secessionist micronational sector for Brazilian micronationalists in opposition to the Lusophone sector dominated by simulationists. In this way, the Brazilian sector was formally established causing a rupture in the Lusophone Sector and since then it encompasses most of the secessionist micronations of Brazilian origin, with few exceptions. There are currently 30 micronations considered active members of the sector, which is greatly influenced by the largest intermicronational organization present in South America, the Conference of Santiago.

Terminology

The term "Brazilian sector" is commonly used to describe micronations of Brazilian origin that pursue the secessionist tradition, more popularly known in Portuguese as derivative (derivatista), of micronationalism, that is, the factual establishment of a macronationally unrecognized microstate as opposed to the simulationism and geofiction traditions that has developed and dominates the Lusophone sector, in which self-proclaimed micronational states emulate alternate governments of existing nation-states with fictional factoids and realize absurd territorial and population claims, when not fictional or in virtual realities.

History

Cover of the Treaty of Persenburg, the historic milestone of the foundation of the Brazilian sector.

Background

The first representation of micronational activity between Portuguese-speaking countries emerged with the Lusophone sector, also called Lusofonia, which was created in 1996,[1] four years after the foundation of the Kingdom of Porto Claro,[2] the first internet-based lusophone micronation. By the end of 1997, another Lusophone micronation, the Holy Empire of Réunion,[3] was created and eventually surpassed Porto Claro's influence over the emerging sector, becoming the first Lusophone micronation to establish relationships outside the Lusophone sector.[4] Later, in 2001, the Free Community of Pasargada was founded by veterans of Réunion and became the first lusophone micronation to break the paradigm established with Porto Claro and followed by Réunion, which was baptized Realismo Pasargadan, which was the first experience of secessionism between the lusophone micronations.[5] Note that there were no clear definitions of micronationalism. From 2002, the example of Pasargada started to exert a lot of influence in the Lusophone sector in several levels, eventually even influencing Porto Claro and Réunion.

In time, the Lusophone sector experienced its peak of activity between 2000 and 2005, with dozens of secessionist and simulationist states, both calling themselves micronationalists due to the lack of borders and differentiation between practices. From 2006 onwards, supposedly due to a loss of enthusiasm, the Lusophone sector entered a state of declining activity until the 2010s, when its vigor was restored with the creation of several simulationist states and some rare secessionist or even hybrid states, that merged the two traditions. Already in the 2020s, few states remain active, the vast majority of which are simulationists that emulate previous regimes in existing countries and that maintain an extremely hostile position towards secessionist states, which led secessionists to unite and create an entirely separate and homogeneous sector.

Split from the Lusophone sector

From late 2019 to early 2020, traditional lusophone (mostly Brazilian) simulationists, but also some micronationalists, grew on exposing criticism at the secessionist micronational practice, calling it "ignortant and dishonest", and moved against various secessionist micronationalists who went of considering simulationism as different from micronationalism per se. Seeking not only to promote secessionist micronationalism among Brazilian aspirants, secessionist micronationalists sought to establish cordial and friendly relations among themselves in contrast to conflicts and rivalries, usually revolving around claims of titles and uncontrolled territories claimed by simulationist states, which dominated the Lusophone sector. The secessionists also sought to escape the isolationism of the Lusophone sector, resulting from its almost unique characteristic in world micronationalism of being dominated by simulationism, a practice that is widely considered to be apart from micronationalism. Secessionist dissidents in the sector were often ostracized or coerced into joining simulationist projects. Faced with this scenario, some secessionist micronationalists noted the need to form a new heterogeneous sector based not on language, but on geographic location and cultural approximation.

Between 2020 and 2022, many micronationalists emerged from simulationist projects, founding their own secessionist micronations and identifying themselves with the Brazilian sector, or seeking to join Brazilian micronations of sectoral and intersectoral relevance, which generated the situation in which many of the micronations of the Brazilian sector are very young and emerged in the same period.

Treaty of Persenburg

The break, in fact, between the secessionist micronationalists and the Brazilian simulationists began with a private conversation between the Emperor Oscar I of Karnia-Ruthenia and the Queen Marina I of Manso on 12 March 2020, in which the national leaders of what were, at the time, the two largest secessionist micronations of Brazilian origin agreed to assume a uniform position to combat the ostracism of secessionism in the Brazilian micronational scenario. For this, they invited representatives of micronations of Brazilian origin with which their countries maintained formal relations to a meeting in which the Treaty of Persenburg was presented, formally establishing the Brazilian sector as a secessionist sector.

However, despite having initially agreed, due to disagreements over the text of the treaty, Queen Marina I removed Manso from the Brazilian sector and did not ratify the document that formally established it. The member micronations of the Brazilian sector began to adopt a widely accepted posture of differentiating the practice of micronationalism, and especially of secessionism, from simulationism, therefore failing to recognize simulationist states as micronations and diplomatic entities. As a result of this and its cohesive stance, the Brazilian sector was successful in establishing lasting relationships with micronations from other sectors, especially the Anglophone sector, the French sector, the Czech sector and the Hispanic sector.

Summits

King Raphael I of Luna, his wife Queen Letizia and Emperor Oscar I about to begin their state dinner in São Paulo.

The Treaty of Persenburg, as stated, envisages micronational meetings as part of the secessionist micronational culture and therefore encourages the holding of these meetings and intermicronational events both physically and in person as well as online. Many encounters between micronationalists who identify with the Brazilian sector preceded the formation of the sector itself. However, an emblematic meeting took place a few days before the official foundation of the sector, in the city of São Paulo, between the Emperor Oscar I of Karnia-Ruthenia and King Raphael I of Luna, on 8 March 2020. The state dinner held between the two monarchs was important to solidify the Karno-Ruthenian Emperor's conviction of the need to a split between secessionists and simulationists in the former Lusophone sector, as well as the need for articulation between secessionist micronationalists in order to propagate their micronational culture. The event was considered the first micronationalist meeting in the sector.

Since then, many other micronational meetings have taken place, mainly online due to the COVID-19 pandemic, distances and costs of holding face-to-face events. The creation of the Conference of Santiago proved to be important for holding micronational meetings and international events in which the organization, most of which micronations in the Brazilian sector are member states, represented the sector and Brazilian micronationalism itself. A highlight was the representation of the Brazilian sector at MicroCon 2022 through the North American members of the Conference of Santiago. Other meetings, events and face-to-face meetings have been scheduled over the years.

Relations and power

Of the 30 active micronations in the Brazilian sector, 17 are member states of the Conference of Santiago, which is often seen as a legitimate interlocutor and representative of the sector, despite the organization not having the character of a national association and some micronations in the sector not even have had contact with her. As a result, CS, as it is called in short, exerts great influence and has a large participation in the sector's activities. As of late 2022 and early 2023, micronations of Brazilian origin with networks of international diplomatic contacts are still few in relation to the number of micronations active in the sector. These developments have led to the formation of a chain or hierarchy of influence, relevance and power within and outside the sector. Considering political stability, the development of micronational activity, intermicronational respect, and the influence and extent to which Brazilian micronations individually have influence and impact outside their native sector, it is understood that Karnia-Ruthenia can be considered a superpower within the Brazilian sector, while Ebenthal, Mauritia and Quinta Velha play the role of great powers, followed by Sildavia which is considered a emerging power or least of the great powers. Micronations such as the State of Xingu and Villa Alicia are subsequently categorized as middle powers and Braspor, Lifréia and Nossia such as small powers, with some micronations such as Pannonia and the New Southern Rhine still being considered puppet or client states of more powerful micronations. Some micronations such as Federal Republic of Forestia, Barvinia, Roranhon and Tarumã have had little or no contact with other micronations in the Brazilian sector and adopt foreign policies that are often interpreted as isolationist. Finally, some former states that were part of the sector and withdrew, such as Deltaria and Manso, are widely considered patriam non grata by a sizeable part of micronations in the sector due to conflicts such as the Santiago-Mansean Conflict.

Micronations inside the Brazilian sector

Active micronations

Flag Micronation Capital Government Year of establishment Notes
Flag of the Karno-Ruthenian Empire.svg Karnia-Ruthenia Persenburg Federal constitutional dual monarchy
under personal union
2016 Founded in 2014 as Kingdom of Ruthenia.
Flag of Ebenthal.svg Ebenthal Altenburg Unitary parliamentary semi-constitutional monarchy 2014
Flag of Mauritia.svg United Provinces of Mauritia Mauritsstad Aristocratic constitutional crowned republic 2013
Flag of Noronha.jpg Principality of Noronha Noronha Unitary absolute monarchy 2015
Flag of the Lateran-States.png Order of the Lateran Knights
(successor to the Lateran State)
Residência Principal Theocratic elective absolute monarchy 2020 Succeeded the Lateran States as a non-territorial sovereign entity.
ArmatiaFlag.jpg Armatia Armatia Constitutional monarchy 2020
Third Flag Of ValeVRG.png Republic of ValeVRG Peperonus Constitutional parliamentary republic 2022
Flag of Quinta Velha.svg Quinta Velha Quinta Velha Autocratic absolute monarchy 2018
Flag of Sildavia (2021).svg Sildavia Klow Absolute monarchy 2020
Flag of Villa Alicia.svg Villa Alicia Maringá Constitutional monarchy 2014
Flag of Braspor.svg Braspor Braspor Constitutional monarchy 2018
Flag of Nossia.svg Principality of Nossia Palco Constitutional monarchy 2016
Flag Lifreia 2018.png Empire of Lifréia Lamburgrad Semi-constitutional monarchy 2015 Capital enclaved in Poland.
SovietiaFlag.png Sovietian Empire Trotskygrad Unitary troskyist one-party state under absolute monarchy 2020
Flag of Luna.svg Luna Nova Roma Abolute monarchy 2015
Flag of Harram (2022).png Harram Harram Unitary abolute monarchy 2009
Flag of Achsen.svg Hanseatic and Confederate States of Achsen Kanuweg Confederate elective constitutional monarchy 2020
Flag of Tarumã.png State of Tarumã Consular parliamentary republic 2020
Rhenish Flag.png Independent State of the New Southern Rhine Barbarossa Unitary absolute monarchy 2021
Xingu 3 flag.jpg Xingu Western Concórdia Unitary aristocratic republic 2022 Originally founded as the Principality of Gardenland in 2020.
Flag of Taslavia.svg Taslavia Mazza Autocratic absolute monarchy 2020
Flag roranhão.png Roranhon Casmania Rodrigania Autocratic constitutional monarchy 2021
Mëcklewmburg-Wladir Flag.png Mëcklewmburg-Wladir Mëcklewmburg-Wladir (City-State) Semi-constitutional monarchy 2021
URSSL-Flag.png Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics of Legalia Kosyngrad One-party socialist republic 2021
ForestiaProposedFlag.png Federal Republic of Forestia Vale Plano Federal presidential republic 2020
Flag of Badakhshan.svg Imperial State of Badakhshan Fayzabad Constitutional monarchy 2014
BoavistaFlag.jpg Boavista Boavista Constitutional monarchy 2022
AlbarenaFlag.png Albarena Albarena Constitutional semi-presidential republic 2022
PannonianRealm-Flag.png Pannonia Arigrade Unitary absolute monarchy 2022
Flag of Barvinia.png Barvinia Naquine Centralized unitary presidential republic 2022

Former or inactive micronations

Flag Micronation Capital Government Year of establishment Notes
Nuremberg Flag.png Nuremberg Commune Holzbank-Stadtpark One-party republic 2020 Inactive since 2021.
Alegres.png Alegres Absolute Monarchy 2020 First micronation to join after the signature of the Treaty of Persenburg.
EminiaFlag.png Kingdom of Eminia Thieux-en-Saint Théoton Popular constitutional monarchy 2020 Formally annexed by Karnia-Ruthenia.
DeltariaFlag.png Deltaria Vitorinople Constitutional monarchy 2015 Never ratified the Treaty of Persenburg.
Flag of Manso (2019).png Kingdom of Manso City of Manso Constitutional monarchy 2017 Never ratified the Treaty of Persenburg. Ceased relations with members of the sector.
SchneeblutigNewFlag.png Schneeblutig Peterstaad Constitutional monarchy 2014 Inactive since 2020.
Roschfallen flag.2022.png Roschfallen Triunphus Absolute monarchy 2014 Dissolved in 2022.
PommerlandFlag.png Pommerland Zerbisti Absolute monarchy 2022 Dissolved in 2022.
Flag of the Lateran State (2021).png Lateran State St. Rita Parliamentary republic 2020 Dissolved in 2022.
Bandeira Commonwealth of Columbia.png Columbia Albany Parliamentary monarchy 2021 Dissolved in 2022.

See also

Notes

  1. The populations of Noronha, Armatia, Lateran Order, Sovietia, Tarumã and Badakshan are excluded due to lack of information, and the population of ValeVRG due to lack of reliability.

References

  1. "Lusophone sector" Published in 14 December 2012. Retrieved in 15 December 2022.
  2. "História", Porto Claro official website. Published in 19 April 2010. Retrieved on 15 December 2022.
  3. Holy Empire of Réunion official website. Retrieved in 15 December 2022.
  4. "Hemeroteca Imperial", Imperial Gallery. Retrieved in 15 December 2022.
  5. Free Community of Pasargada official website. Retrieved in 15 December 2022.