Treaty of Persenburg

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Treaty of Persenburg
Tratado de Persenburgo
TreatyPersenburgCover.png
Cover of the treaty.
Created12 March 2020
Ratified23 March 2020
Date effective23 March 2020
LocationPersenburg, Karnia-Ruthenia
Author(s)Oscar I of Karnia-Ruthenia
Signatories
Language(s)Portuguese
PurposeThe establishment of the Brazilian sector of micronationalism and wider contact with other micronational sectors and the promotion derivatism/secessionism among Brazilian micronacionalists.

The Treaty of Persenburg (Portuguese: Tratado de Persenburgo) is a intermicronational treaty developed by Brazilian micronationalists engaged in defense of derivatism, or secessionism, within the Portuguese-speaking micronational community in a initiave chaired by the Emperor-King Oscar I of Karnia-Ruthenia, and held in Persenburg from 12 to 23 March 2020.[1] The treaty has as an objective to provide a major highlight for the practice of derivatism, an anglicization of how secessionism is called among Latins, among Brazilian micronationalists, usually target of attacks by simulationist which form a major group in the Lusophone community.[2] To this end, the treaty ultimately established the strictly derivative Brazilian sector apart from the Lusophone sector.

Upon ratification by the representants of several micronations, the treaty has been praised by those who adhered to it on its formulation, by its subsequent signatories and by micronations of foreign origin, which immediatly congratulated the initiative and entered in diplomatic talks with the Brazilian sector's micronations. The treaty also prompted criticism and attacks by the simulationist community and derivative dissidents at the Lusophone sector who denounced the practice of derivatism as preached by the treaty as "ignorant" and the treaty itself as "dishonest", following a pattern of attacks which had been growing since the end of 2019. Nonetheless, the Treaty of Persenburg is regarded as a turning point in the Lusophone/Brazilian micronationalism, being the most important micronational text of Portuguese language, having been reported by a Brazilian national mainstream magazine.[3]

The treaty, as a document, is largely based on the Montevideo Convention of 1933. It is worth notice that the treaty was the catalyst for the creation of several new micronations that came to join it, formed mostly by micronationalists who acquired much of their experience in simulationism but who aimed for a broader micronational practice after coming into contact with the Anglophone Sector. Since the treaty entered into force, the number of Brazilian derivative micronations has more than tripled in the global intermicronational scenario.

Background

Brazilian micronationalism

The Brazilian micronational community as we know it today emerged in the early 1990s, with Porto Claro and had its practices marked by the success of the Holy Empire of Réunion, a micronation of international reputation and the greatest exponent of Brazilian micronationalism so far. However, at the end of the first decade of 2000, the simulationist format showed signs of wear, and the projects that followed never reproduced the micronational practice consolidated by Porto Claro, Pasargada and Réunion, becoming more similar to RPG platforms than micronationalism, leading the Brazilian micronational scenario to isolation, being the only micronational sector where the simulationist segment was the majority

By the end of the decade of 2010, the simulationist nations were stagnant, the virtualist micronations (this is, micronations which does not claim to administrate a physical space) which developed in the meantime from the remants of the old micronations were forced to deal with simulationists and the first contacts with derivative micronations arose, and, as an exponent of this new wave of micronations, Karnia-Ruthenia emerged (first as the Kingdom of Ruthenia in 2014 and in 2016 as the Empire). At first there was no friction, but over time and the importation of new customs and concepts from foreign micronationalism such as the Anglophone led to unprecedented levels of hostility to micronational projects of a derivative nature.

Reasons for the treaty

With the rise of several new micronations of derivative tradition, this means, secessionist micronations, by the end of 2019 the friction between these and the simulatinist nations intensified as the derivatives would not engage in diplomatic talks with simulationists since the traditional derivative/secessionist practice assumes that your micronation is a real nation first and foremost, and therefore it is counterproductive to come into contact with simulacra, emulations of nations that already exist or practice fiction. As a response to this, by early 2020 a wave of fierce criticism aimed at isolating and attacking derivatives, denouncing them as "dishonest" and as if they "disregarded and diminished the practice of simulationism".

Added to this it was the fact that the Lusophone sector was the only micronational sector in the world by then where the pratice of simulation was dominant and increasingly aggressive to the practice of derivatism (by talking micronationalists out of their projects and eventually absorbing them). For this reason, the Lusophone sector was considered a "closed system", this mean, isolated from contact to other micronational sectors.

That said, the derivative micronationalist saw the necessity for creating a sector of their own where they could act and engage in foreign contact without being harassed. That's when Oscar I, Emperor-King of Karnia-Ruthenia proposed the development of a treaty for the creation of such sector. The treaty, far beyond promoting derivatism among Brazilian aspirants to micronational practice, intended to establish good terms with each other (in contrast to the rivalry and constant clashed witnessed between derivatives and simulationists in the Lusophone sector) and to present the Brazilian micronationalism to the other micronational sectors.

Discussions

In a technical sense, the preparations for the treaty never met a session or voting; most of the discussions occurred in informal conversation among the signatories mostly through online conversation, but rearely it also occured personally. The first conversation happened on 12 March 2020 between the Emperor of Karnia-Ruthenia and the Queen of Manso, the heads of state of what was then considered to be the two most successful derivative micronations of Brazilian origin. Having agreed to assume a more uniform position, they began to issue invitations to active and derivative micronations founded in Brazil with whom they maintained either formal or informal contact.

On the course of days the talks broadened involving the heads of other microntions such as Ebenthal, the Lateran State, Armatia and Deltaria. The establishment of the new Brazilian sector was decided as a geographical sector, rather than a linguistic sector, with the sole purpose of differ from the Lusophone sector whose image have been stained in the intermicronational community. A decisive factor, however, for the continuity and catharsis generated by the treaty was its article that defines that the signatory nations should no longer engage in diplomatic relations with simulationist nations due to the interpretation that micronationalism is, if not, separatist nationalism in small scale and that, therefore, nations cannot relate to the simulation of already existing nations or to nations whose history, and thus its very existence, is fabricated, fictional. As most of the Lusophone sector was formed by such simulationist nations and the Manso, Deltaria and Montvert were strongly related to those simulations out of custom, these micronations feared their micronational activity would decrease and that their influence among people would fade, which immediatly prompted discussions.

The discussions on the matter of how to deal with simulationist projects coincided with the entry of new micronations to the treaty's discussion table. As Montevert had removed itself to pursue an isolationist goal, these new ascending micronations all agreed on the treaty's first draft's terms including the clause on not to establish diplomacy with simulations. Perceiving its position as defeated, the government of Deltaria removed itself from the treaty before ratifying it. Queen Marina I of the Manso remained arguing on why it would be either hard or wrong to completelly dissociate from the simulationists. Nonetheless, as the heads of state present at the talks had all but her agreed to the text, their governments voted and enforced the treaty, subsequently ratifying it. The Queen of the Manso then proposed a draft of herself of the treaty and present it to the signatories, but as most of them had already even ratified the original draft, they don't paid attention to her and the Kingdom of Manso ultimately removed itself from the treaty having signed it but never ratified.

In 23 March 2020 the Kingdom of Ebenthal became the last of the original countries to ratify the treaty following eleven days of talks.

Criticism

Among Brazilian micronationalists[?] focused on projects considered as simulationism, the points defended by the derivatives were regarded an attempt to "divide the hobby". The use of the word "simulation" to refer to the simulationist group was seen as an "aggression" perpetrated by derivatives, even though the same expression is used on simulationist-micronation sites to define their own activities[4][5][6][7][8]

Fearful of losing the hegemony over the concept of micronational activity, the simulationists nations published several offensive articles against derivative, in the diplomatic[9], but also personal sphere[10][11][12]. The Queen of Manso and the ruler of Deltária, fearing to lose the alleged progress of their projects left the initiative and started to support the simulationists, including by attacking other derivatives[13][14], namely the then Princess of Sildavia and the King of Ebenthal in the event known as Santiago-Mansean Conflict.

Over the course of the year to the following, attacks[15] decreased and Brazilian micronational activity was found among the progress of derivative micronations in establishing themselves as the national representation of micronationalism for other projects around the world mainly through the Conference of Santiago, formed months after the signing of the Treaty of Persenburg, while the most reactionary elements of the Brazilian micronational community degredolated to the simulationism and the role-playing game[16].

Legacy

Signatories

Original signatories

Subsequent signatories

The convention was and still is open for accession for any micronation, and following is the list of micronations that signed the treaty.

See also

References