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Politics of Sabia and Verona
|Sabia and Verona|
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|Politics and government|
of Sabia and Verona
The politics of Sabia and Verona take place within the framework of a parliamentary representative democracy, a constitutional monarchy and a centralized unitary state in which the King of the Valtirians is the head of state and the Prime Minister of Sabia and Verona is the head of government in a multi-party sistem.
Executive power is vested on the Monarch, who by constitutional convention "delegates" it to the Government of Sabia and Verona (kuragi), presided over by the Prime Minister (kuragikurág). In practice, this means the Government excercises most of the executive power in the Kingdom. Legislative power is vested in the unicameral parliament (atanói), whose members are democratically elected on a yearly basis. Members of the judiciary are nominated by the Government, confirmed by the atanói, and formally appointed by the monarch. The highest court of law in the Kingdom is the Supreme Court (raitoanobók), which consists of three judges called magistrates, and chaired by the President of the Supreme Court.
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The Sabioveronese monarch, currently Tarik of Kârjasary, officially bears the title of "King/Queen of the Valtirians" (Rexa/Rexurân Valtirgarann). He or she is the head of the Sabioveronese State, symbol of its social, political and cultural unity, who arbitrates and moderates the regular function of governmental institutions, and assumes the highest representation of Sabia and Verona in international relations and within the Federal Union of Juclandian Lands. The Constitution dictates the person of the King is to be considered sacred and inviolable.
The Monarch is elected in open elections known as the royal elections or the royal decision. Although three monarchs have ruled Sabia and Verona so far, only once has there been a royal election: on 23 February 2014, when the people of Sabia and Verona chose Isadora of Annenak as their first autonomous, Sabioveronese, Queen of the Valtirians, succeeding the King of Juclandia Ciprian I, who had ruled the Kingdom as an overseas territory of Juclandia before the establishment of the FUJL. King Tarik, who was crowned in 2015 shortly before the execution of the Haronos Plan, became King by lack of any other suitable candidate.
In practical terms, his duties are mostly ceremonial, and constitutional provisions are worded in such a way as to make clear the strict neutral and apolitical nature of his role. The King does not have supreme liberty in the exercise of the functions granted to him by the Constitution; all of these are framed, limited or exercised "according to the constitution and laws", or following requests of the executive or authorizations of the legislature.
The King is the commander-in-chief of the Sabioveronese Military. Unlike most of the monarch's political duties, the King's authority over the S.V.R.A.F. is considerably high; and he does not need approval from Parliament to mobilize the military. He does however, need the Parliament's (and the Enkâkourak's) consent to declare war on another nation. This particular scenario is also unlikely since military conflict between nations is officially sanctioned by the FUJL's administration, and the federation is a notable follower of a strict neutral policy.
The Enkâkourak and the Council of State
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As per constitutional convention, the King has to delegate his powers to an elected official, who is known as the Enkâkourak. The system by which the Enkâkourak is elected has changed numerous times since the office was established in 2012, but the office's position as head of government of the Kingdom was remained unchanged. In this sense, the Enkâkourak has the authority and responsibilities of a prime minister in other parliamentary democracies. They also act as Speaker of the Parliament and formerly the Courts. For a Sabioveronese citizen to be elected Enkâkourak, they must first become leader of a party running in parliamentary elections, which happen every year. Formerly, any party member could be chosen candidate by the party's decision-making body and for elections, as was the case with Osez Kóvérsz in 2012 and September 2013. Since the adoption of the 2015 constitution, only party leaders may run for the office of Enkâkourak in parliamentary elections.
The Enkâkourak, in turn, delegates many of his powers to a council of ministers known as the Council of State. The Council of State is composed of ministers known as the Secretaries (nezenty) who lead offices known as the Divisions (ettry). The number of secretaries a Council of State may have is up to the Enkâkourak. An Enkâkourak who has just been elected has the duty to present a proposal for a Council of State before the Parliament, who can approve or veto a Council. If the party of the Enkâkourak has a majority in Parliament, the Council of State may be composed of members of the majority party only. In the case of a Coalition, the number of Secretaries each party in coalition has is up to the Enkâkourak. Before the election of Ann Stefanović, all Councils of State were made up of ministers from all of the parties running in the elections. This was due to the clauses of the Karasal Council. The Stefanović cabinet was made up of members from the Progressive Coalition, the governing alliance, without a single member from the opposition Unity Party. This was because only two blocks were running in the election, and the Unity Party refused any participation in the new cabinet. Succeeding cabinets also abandoned the Karasal system as the Commission for the Preservation of Democracy, the governmental body regulating the use of the treaty, had been disbanded with the adoption of the 2014 constitution.
Sabia and Verona's parliamentary democracy has been clearly influenced by the presidential system of Venezuela and Argentina. An example of this is the clear separation of the Executive and the Legislature, uncommon in other parliamentary systems. This influence is also seen in the social perceptions of the Enkâkourak and the government in Sabia and Verona.
The Legislative Sounos is vested on the unicameral Parliament (Sarenâ; meaning "place where things get done" or "workplace"). Technically, this sounos also includes the Enkâkourak (and by extension the Deputy Enkâkourak) who serve as the Parliament's speaker and deputy speaker, respectively. Members of the Parliament (known in Sabian as sarentar) are elected under the first-past-the-post system from constituencies in the dependent regions (all of which are in the Southern Territories), which unlike the autonomous regions of the Northern Territories are directly administered by the central government (the Parliament and the Executive Sounos). The authority of the Parliament, however, is still in force in the Northern Territories and the legislature can topple any law passed by the Northern regions' Legislative Assemblies. In this sense, the Parliament represents only a portion of Sabia and Verona's population but still has say over the entire Kingdom.
The Judicial Sounos (Sounos Tadesosik) is vested on the Tribunal (Tadesozáriven), an expert commission of politically independent judges who explain and apply the laws. This is done by hearing and eventually making decisions on various legal cases. Though the Tribunal is described as the supreme court of the Kingdom and the highest authority on the application of laws, it is so also by default since it's the only court of law in the Kingdom. Its three members are chosen by the King, with the approval of the Legislative Sounos, for five-year terms. Previously, the judiciary in Sabia and Verona has been vested on the Commission for the Preservation of Democracy (from 2012 to 2014) and the Legislative Courts, the Kingdom's former, now defunct parliament, from 2014 to 2015.
The Tribunal is composed of a number of judges or justices (tadesozentiry) appointed by the Monarch on advice of the Enkâkourak and presided over by the Enkâtadesos (Chief Justice) or the Fetakshetadesos (Vice-Chair) in their absence. The Justices of the Tribunal elect an Enkâtadesos and a Fetakshetadesos. The Enkâtadesos manages the affairs of the Tribunal, directs court sessions and divides tasks among the justices and the employees of the Tribunal and maintains disciplinary supervision. They are responsible for the operation and finances of the Tribunal and represents the Judicial Sounos towards the public.