Micronational diplomacy

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Many micronations have diplomatic relations with other micronations; since no macronation, or undisputed country, will recognize a micronation, their diplomatic relations are usually limited to other micronations.[1] According to the declarative theory of statehood of the Montevideo Convention, countries need population, territory, government, and diplomacy to be considered sovereign.[2][3] Many micronations will not recognise less serious micronations than themselves.[4] While micronational diplomacy usually consists of friendly contact between micronations,[1] some micronations, such as the Principality of Seborga and the Madison Kingdom of Talossa,[5] have refused to recognise any micronation as an unofficial or official policy. The reverse is also true; the Hutt River Principality is visited by officials of the Australian government, despite its unrecognised status.[1]

The largest intermicronational organisation in micronational history is the Organisation of Active Micronations (OAM),[6] which boasted over 80 member nations at its height.[7] The League of Small Nations (LSN), modelled after the League of Nations, consists of the Dominion of British West Florida, the Sovereign Barony of Caux, the Grand Duchy of Greifenberg and the Republic of Molossia.[8] There have also been intermicronational organisations that are reputable, while accepting nations and micronations that do not necessarily meet all of the Montevideo Convention requirements for a state, such as the Micronational Professional Registry (MPR)[9] and the League of Secessionist States (LoSS)[10] The United Micronations Multi-Oceanic Archipelago (UMMOA) claimed recognition from an organization in Italy by the name of International Parliament for Safety and Peace.[11]

The continent of Australia swells the number of micronations considerably;[12][1][13] micronations there attend to diplomatic business at micronation conferences,[12] including the April 2010 PoliNation conference on an island just off the coast of Sydney, Australia.[14][15]

Ambassadors to other micronations tend to visit, rather than live in them, or conduct diplomacy at a distance.[1] Ambassadors can be assigned to macronations (most commonly to the macronation that surrounds a micronation), but are never recognised as ambassadors by the macronation. The definition of state visit remains the same for micronations as larger ones. Grand Duke Paul of Greifenberg made a state visit to President Kevin Baugh of Molossia on April 21, 2008, where they talked about micronationalism.[16] On May 23, 2008, Grand Duke Paul visited Baron John I of the Barony of Caux.[17] From June 27–30, 2008, Prince Christopher and Princess Erin of Vikesland visited Molossia. During the visit, they engaged in joint military and rocket projects.[18] All of these state visits were between members of the League of Small Nations.

Micronations typically use definitions of embassies and ambassadors loosely. Lovely, for example, declares any location its flag is displayed to be an embassy. Some will declare just about any location to be an embassy, including a webpage. Some micronations consist entirely of embassies. The citizens of Atlantia, a micronation on the Australian continent, all claim dual citizenship, both Australian and Atlantian.[12]

Micronational war is usually done jokingly. For instance, micronations, such as the Conch Republic,[19] and the Hutt River Province[20] in 1977,[12] have declared war on the macronations that surround them.[1] Macronations generally ignore this. Wars may be declared between micronations; Molossia helped to create another micronation, Mustachistan, and after a territorial dispute went to war with it.[21] Molossia also declared a never-ending war on East Germany, which it claims still exists on Ernst Thälmann Island.[22] Slightly more serious incidents include Sealand, off the coast of England, whose territory is an island that was a military base during World War II base, that once fired warning shots when a Royal Navy vessel came close to shore,[12] and 'civil wars' in which citizens of a micronation declare war on it, hacking into its website to crash it.[23]

References

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 Rewards for Rebellion: Tiny Nation and Crown for Life Hutt River Journal, New York Times, page 1 & 2. Norimitsu Onishi, February 1, 2011
  2. ↑ Montevideo Convention Wikisource, can also be seen at Mt. Holyoak education database
  3. ↑ Our Sovereignty Republic of Molossia. Molossia'a statement on sovereignty, molossia.org
  4. ↑ Micronational diplomacy
  5. ↑ The Kingdom of Talossa
  6. ↑ Organisation of Active Micronations
  7. ↑ Member nations Organisation of Active Micronations
  8. ↑ Member nations League of Small Nations
  9. ↑ Micronational Professional Registry (MPR)
  10. ↑ LoSS: League of Secessionist States
  11. ↑ United Micronations Multi-Oceanic Archipelago (UMMOA): UMMOA/AMOMU
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 Fed up with your country? Create your own!, Kristen Gelineau, Associated Press, May 2, 2010. Seattle Times
  13. ↑ A nation to call their own; Talek Harris,AFP, in the Washington Times, July 25, 2010, pages 1-3. Also printed in Australia hosts independent micronations, China Post, pages 1&2
  14. ↑ "If at first you don't secede...", by Mark Dapin, The Sydney Morning Herald - Good Weekend, 2005 February 12, pp 47-50
  15. ↑ Micronations Life Matters, Past Programs, Australian Broadcasting Corporation
  16. ↑ Greifenberg State Visit, 22 April 2008, XXXI Khamsin Molossia News
  17. ↑ Leaders of Greifenberg and Barony of Caux Meet, Tuesday, 27 May 2008, Greifenberg Press Agency (GPA)
  18. ↑ Vikesland State Visit, 30 June 2008, XXXI Khamsin Molossia News
  19. ↑ 'Lonely Planet' Explores Micronations; Lonely Planet, November 1, 2006, National Public Radio
  20. ↑ "Principality of Hutt River - Official website". 2008. Retrieved 2011-3-29. Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  21. ↑ Molossian 'war' with Mustachistan
  22. ↑ Molossian 'war' on East Germany
  23. ↑ Utopian Rulers, and Spoofs, Stake Out Territory Online; Stephen Mimh, May 25, 2000. New York Times

Further reading

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