- Not to be confused with the Lusophone sector.
|Sector founded||1996 (as Lusophone sector)|
2020 (as a separated sector)
|Nations in area||23 micronations|
|Organisations in area|
|Notable people in area||Oscar I of Karnia-Ruthenia|
Thomas of Quinta Velha
Arthur II of Ebenthal
Lucas of Mauritia
Maria of Sildavia
Brazilian sector or Brazilian community (Portuguese: Setor brasileiro or Comunidade brasileira) is a term used to categorizes micronations which are mostly bounded and are located inside the Brazilian macronational territory. The term was coined by the Treaty of Persenburg, on 23 March 2020. The sector was created as a mostly-derivatist division of the mostly-simulationist and historical-modelist Lusophone sector, an initiative to gather the derivatist lusophone micronationalists. There are currently more than 20 micronations considered active members of the sector. The sector fells under heavy influence of the Conference of Santiago, so far the sector's proper only international organization.
The term Brazilian sector is commonly used to described micronations within the territory of Brazil that pursue the derivatist tradition of micronationalism, this means, a secessionist real establishement of a paralel microstate, in opposition to the modelist-simulationist tradition followed by the Lusophone sector, also called as Lusophonia (Pt: Lusofonia), which emulates pre-existing macronational governments. It was confirmed by the Treaty of Persenburg that the general idea that to be considered member of this sector, the micronation shall have some form of binding with Brazil - in culture, territory or language. The micronation also shall also have its main territory within Brazil.
The first representation of micronational activity within the Portuguese-speaking micronationalists was the Lusophone Sector or Lusophonia ("Lusofonia", in Portuguese), that surfaced around 1996, being a concept of that should not be understood as referring to the mere set of individual micronations, but in fact to the "medium", the middle of them, the activity between them. In 1992, the Kingdom of Porto Claro appeared as the first internet-based lusophone micronation. By the end of 1997, another lusophone micronation, the Holy Empire of Réunion also grew substantially and even surpassed Porto Claro's force. Réunion was the first lusophone micronation to appeal to sectors outside Lusophonia, as it was created as bilingual micronation and remained so until 1999. Founded in 2001, the Free Community of Pasargada was the first significant lusophone project to break traditional paradigm of Lusophonia. Although primely built by Réunian veterans, the new micronation introduced a whole new vision and practise for lusophone sector, in a movement later baptized as the Pasargadan Turn. All lusophone micronations after 2002 got influenced one way or another by Pasargadan Realism - the first exception to the modelist-simulationist tradition of micronationalism and the only accepted example by older micronations.
This sector's peak of activity happened in a period between 2000 and 2005, with a dozen active projects; most of them, with Brazilian micronationalists. By the end of 2006 and from that moment on, the Lusophone sector experienced a decay of activity and enthusiasm. In the decade of 2010, vitality once again gave way to inactivity. By 2020's, few projects based on historic-modelism still exist, most of them considered "one-man nations" and they maintain an extremely hostile stance towards derivative projects, which gave rise to a reaction from Brazilian derivatists, who created the Brazilian sector, then considering Lusophonia as a "closed system", while the Brazilian sector would be a system receptive to foreign micronations and the common practice of micronationalism.
Split from the Lusophone sector
Between the end of 2019 and the beggining of 2020, traditional lusophone micronationalists, mostly simulationists, grew on exposing criticism at the derivative micronational practice as "ignorant" and "dishonest" and started a series of attacks on derivative micronationlism who went against their dominion. Far beyond promoting derivatism among aspirants to micronational practice, the derivative micronationalists in Brazil intended to establish good terms with each other, in contrast to the rivalry and conflicts experienced by the simulationist micronations at the time, and to present themselves to other micronational sectors as a friendly and heterogenous variant of Lusophone sector.
The Lusophone sector of micronationalism is known for and dominated by modelism and simulationism, being the only micronational sector where this segment is the majority. Dissent to this sector are frequently ostracized and harassed and as most micronational sectors do not consider simulationism as micronationalism proper, the Lusophone sector acted in the shadows of the international community, closed in itself. Thus, some derivative micronationalis noted they should organized themselves like the other sectors, based this time not only on language, but also on geography and to establish more active relations with other linguistic and geographic sectors.
Eventually, many micronationalist dissidents from simulationist projects founded proper derivative micronations either by themselves or supported by other derivative micronationalists and identified and joined the newly-created Brazilian sector, thus explaining why so many micronations at the Brazilian sector are so young.
Treaty of Persenburg
The beggining of this cision within Portuguese-speaking micronationalism started in a conversation that happened on 12 March 2020 between the Emperor of Karnia-Ruthenia and the Queen of Manso, the leaders of two of the most successful derivative projects of Brazilian origin at time. Having agreed to assume a more uniform position, they began to issue invitations to active derivatives micronations founded within Brazil with whom they maintained formal contact. The result of this conversation was the Treaty of Persenburg and the creation of the Brazilian Micronationalism group on Facebook. As a result of the cision, most of the members are micronationalists whose projects were recently founded, having acquired the needed experience in simulationist micronationalism, and has so far had contact with the foreign micronational sectors, especially with Czech and English-speaking micronations, respectively the Czech sector and the Anglophone Sector, and were sympathetic to the ideas of creating their projects with based on the Montevideo Convention of 1933.
Given the derivative nature of this sector, micronational meetings are more than encouraged, but desired. In addition to being envisaged as an important part of micronational culture by the Persenburg Treaty, they reinforce the bonds of friendship between Brazilian micronationalists. Many meetings took place even before the formation of the Brazilian sector, but an emblematic one occurred a few days before its official foundation.
On 08 March 2020, Oscar I met Rafael, King of the Lunes and his wife, Queen Letizia, in São Paulo, Brazil, for a state dinner. In addition to the fact that both are personal friends, they are experienced micronationalists and the conversation moved through several micronational subjects and took a long time in the posture of micronations already established face the new projects that appeared in Brazil; in their vast majority, derivative projects that learned about the current through contact with the foreign micronational community and often, the target of hostility by Portuguese-speaking micronationalists.
Although prior to the emergence of the Brazilian sector, the meeting was important to form Oscar I's conviction to elaborate the separation between derivatists and simulationists micronationalists not through open confrontation, but through diplomatic articulation and cultural incentive. This meeting between the Emperor of Karnia-Ruthenia and the Kings of Luna can be considered as the first micronational meeting of the Brazilian sector.
Of the Brazilian sector's 24 active micronations, 13 are members of the Conference of Santiago, which is the only international organization born from the sector, whilst other present international organizations are of foreign origin. A few of these micronations keep a wide network of international relationship and diplomacy, such as Karnia-Ruthenia, Ebenthal, Sildavia, Lifréia and Nossia, while even fewer keep a tight grip over the Brazilian scene of micronationalism and simulationism, such as Mauritia and the Manso, and the rest have some established diplomacy. As a result, there has been established a chain of influence, relevance and power within the sector. Considering the range of influence drawn from international respect, relations and participation, micronational activity and stability, Karnia-Ruthenia and Ebenthal can be considered as fully-established great powers within the sector, while Sildavia is an emerging great power and Mauritia a decaying one. Quinta Velha and Villa Alicia are middle powers, holding some considerable influence over the sector, although not as much as the aforementioned, and others are regarded as small powers with little influence, a fact that can be due to the youth of most of the Brazilian sector micronations, ultimatelly a result from the split between this and the Lusophone sector, the downfall of simulationism in Brazil and the recent growth in derivative micronationalism. The Kingdom of Manso is widely considered a type of "persona non grata", often ignored by the sector as a whole and relationing very little within it.
Financially, the Brazilian sector is very cohesive, with the Conferential Doubloon being the largest currency in circulation, official in 8 micronations of Brazilian origin (plus others), as well as the only one proper from the sector which is not fiat, but backed up by bullion. In terms of intersectorial relations, the Brazilian sector relates more to the Anglophone and Czech sectors, having in discussion some kind of deal with the latter, and has also related to the Indonesian sector, Valtir Sector and London Sector, not to mention the MicroWiki nations sector. Some Brazilian micronations are often concomitantly members of other micronational sectors as well.
Micronations inside the Brazilian sector
|Flag||Micronation||Capital||Government||Year of establishment||Notes|
|Manso||Distrito Real||Constitutional Monarchy||2017||Never ratified; allegedly removed itself from the sector|
|Order of the Lateran Knights
(former State of Lateran Territories)
|Residência Principal||Absolute and Elective Monarchy||2020||Evolved into non-territorial sovereign entity|
|Alegres||Absolute Monarchy||2020||First micronation to join after the signature of the Treaty of Persenburg.|
|Quinta Velha||Quinta Velha||Autocracy||2018|
|Villa Alicia||Maringá||Constitutional monarchy||2014|
|United Provinces of Mauritia||Mauritsstad||Aristocratic republic||2013|
|Principality of Nossia||Palco||Constitutional monarchy||2016|
|Empire of Lifréia||Lamburgrad||Semi-constitutional monarchy||2015|
|Nuremberg Commune||Holzbank-Stadtpark||One-party republic||2020|
|Sovietian Empire||Trotskygrad||Absolute monarchy||2020|
|Imperial State of Badakhshan||Fayzabad||Constitutional monarchy||2014|
|Sultanate of Harram||Harram||Absolute monarchy||2014|
|Hanseatic and Confederate States of Achsen||Ji-Paraná||Elective monarchy||2020|
|Kingdom of Eminia||Thieux-en-Saint Théoton||Popular constitutional monarchy||2020|
|State of Tarumã||Consular parliamentary republic||2020|
|Independent State of the Rhine||Barbarossa||Absolute monarchy||2021|
|Gardenland||Royal District||Constitutional monarchy||2021|
- "Lusophone sector", article of MicroWiki.com, originally written by Lucas Campos in 14 December 2012, and updated by other contribuitors.
- "História", Porto Claro official website, 19 April 2010.
- Holy Empire of Réunion official website.
- "Hemeroteca Imperial", Imperial Gallery.
- "História de Reunião", Imperial Archive. 2015.
- Free Community of Pasargada official website.